Drift Toward One-Party Rule in Times of Rising Uncertainty

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The Growing Crisis in Nigeria

Nigeria is currently facing a multifaceted crisis that threatens both its security and democratic foundations. On one hand, the country is grappling with an alarming wave of insecurity that has led to the abduction of schoolgirls, mass kidnappings, and violent attacks on religious institutions. On the other hand, the political landscape is deteriorating as the opposition party faces internal disarray and external pressures that risk turning it into a de facto one-party state.

The situation has become so dire that fresh attacks no longer shock the public. In Kebbi State, 25 schoolgirls were abducted from their hostel at dawn, and the vice principal was murdered — a grim reminder of the Chibok girls’ kidnapping over a decade ago. Days later, gunmen stormed St. Mary’s Catholic School in Niger State, taking dozens of children and staff. In Kwara, a video circulated showing Islamist attackers invading a Christ Apostolic Church, killing worshippers during a service.

This pattern of violence is not limited to Christians; many victims of banditry and mass kidnappings in the North-West are Muslims. However, in Christian-dominated regions, the attacks increasingly resemble targeted persecution. The state’s failure to respond with moral clarity and urgency is unacceptable. Some Nigerians now question whether jihadist militias feel more emboldened under a Muslim–Muslim presidency. Whether or not this is true, the President has a duty to dispel such perceptions through decisive and even-handed action.

The PDP Crisis: A Red Flag for Democracy

The crisis within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) reached a peak on 18 November 2025 when two rival factions attempted to hold parallel meetings at the Wadata national secretariat. The FCT police dispersed them with tear gas, and by the next day, armed police had sealed the secretariat with barbed wire, turning the headquarters of Nigeria’s main opposition into a fortified zone. This is a red flag in any democracy.

The PDP’s crisis did not emerge overnight; it was steadily hollowed out by internal sabotage, much of which was driven by Nyesom Wike, former Governor of Rivers State. He operated as a senior PDP figure while also serving as Minister of the FCT in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s APC government. He has publicly vowed to support Tinubu’s second term while holding a PDP membership card. Many argue his expulsion was long overdue.

None of this absolves the PDP of its own long-standing internal divisions and failures of leadership. Observers are now watching to see what PDP leaders do next. Will they regroup, possibly through a broader opposition coalition such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), whose activities have remained surprisingly muted in the face of these crises? Or will more of them continue to defect to the ruling APC — accelerating the slide toward a one-party state?

From Opposition Champion to One-Party Enabler

What is unfolding appears to align with a political desire expressed by President Tinubu during a joint session on Democracy Day. Looking directly at PDP and Labour Party members, he declared, “It is a pleasure to see you in such disarray.” He praised defectors leaving the PDP for the APC as “wise people abandoning a sinking ship without a life jacket,” proudly adding that he was “happy to receive them.”

Tinubu is no stranger to the value of opposition. As governor of Lagos between 1999 and 2007, he refused to be swept away when President Obasanjo’s PDP overran other Alliance for Democracy (AD) states in the South-West in 2003. He helped build the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and became a key architect of the merger that produced the APC, which eventually defeated the ruling PDP in 2015 — making him a symbol of resistance to one-party dominance and centralised abuse of power.

That is precisely why his current posture is troubling. The same man who once defended opposition structures now appears willing to use state resources to dismantle them. While he was in opposition, it would have been unthinkable for him to embrace an AD or ACN chieftain who remained in a PDP cabinet while openly undermining his own party. Yet today, under his presidency, Nyesom Wike has been allowed to do exactly that inside the PDP while serving as a powerful minister in an APC government.

A Dangerous Political Strategy

Wike’s altercations with security personnel in Abuja, his feud with Governor Siminalayi Fubara in Rivers State, and his theatrical media parleys — where he sits elevated like a monarch surrounded by subjects — all speak to a style of politics that is imperial rather than democratic.

If President Tinubu truly believes in multiparty democracy, he must recognize that this arrangement is not a symbol of inclusiveness; it is a weapon aimed at the heart of the opposition — and one he himself has already admitted gives him “pleasure.”

Those defecting to the ruling APC are also active accomplices in destroying political pluralism. They know Tinubu’s own story proves that disciplined, organized opposition can one day defeat a dominant ruling party — yet they treat party platforms like disposable wrappers, crossing over at the first hint of pressure or personal inconvenience, or simply for comfort and pleasure.

Conclusion: A Warning from History

Nigerian democracy cannot withstand both escalating insecurity and deliberate political sabotage. Together, they form a deadly combination. The first duty of the state is to protect life. President Tinubu must treat the fight against Islamist insurgents, particularly Boko Haram and ISWAP, as well as bandits and kidnappers, as a true national emergency — one that demands clear communication, a coherent strategy, and disciplined, professional security operations.

At the same time, he must recognize that a functioning opposition is a guardrail that protects democracy and, ultimately, his own legacy. He should call Nyesom Wike to order — either ask him to formally join the APC or leave the cabinet — and direct the police to unseal the PDP national secretariat immediately.

And how can we seriously advocate state policing to fight insecurity when opposition structures are under such sustained pressure — and risk being even more vulnerable in a one-party drift? Politicians on the other side of the aisle must resist the temptation of easy defection and learn from Tinubu’s own journey that disciplined and principled opposition with strategic coalition-building is what defeats a dominant party.

They should understand that their behavior is helping to dismantle the pluralism that strengthens democracy. History offers a clear and uncomfortable warning. In the years leading up to January 1966, political manipulation and the misuse of security forces created a climate that spiralled beyond control.

When a nation approaches systemic failure, the fire does not check party membership before it burns. May that tragedy never visit our country again.


















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