The Prolonged Presence of Burundian Troops in DR Congo
The Burundian troops that officially entered the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo) alongside the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) in November 2022, have remained in the country even after the regional mission’s withdrawal. Their continued presence, now estimated at six to seven battalions in South Kivu alone, has been linked to a worsening humanitarian crisis, particularly affecting the Banyamulenge community in Minembwe highlands, which continues to be attacked and cut off from essential supplies.
Burundian soldiers are deployed in eastern DR Congo at the invitation of the Kinshasa government. The EACRF mission, initially led by Kenya’s Maj Gen Jeff Nyagah, who later resigned citing threats to his personal safety, was a multinational force deployed in eastern DR Congo in November 2022 to help restore peace and stability by especially securing areas then vacated by M23 rebels in North Kivu. Though the deployment briefly stabilized parts of the region, it faltered when President Felix Tshisekedi demanded that the force must militarily confront the rebels or withdraw, prompting its premature exit in late 2023.
Soon after, reports of atrocities escalated. In October 2023, Nturo village in Masisi, a predominantly Tutsi community, was attacked and burned, killing some civilians and destroying 300 homes. Investigations implicated the Congolese army working alongside Burundian troops, FDLR militias, and local armed groups, including Wazalendo and Mai-Mai factions. FDLR is a DR Congo-backed militia formed by remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
Escalating Violence and Humanitarian Crisis
According to observers, the situation in South Kivu has since worsened further. Oscar Balinda, a deputy spokesperson of the AFC/M23 movement, told The New Times that “after the EACRF mission, Burundian forces entered into an understanding with President Tshisekedi, bound by a shared ethnic ideology.” They subsequently began destabilizing Congolese Tutsi communities, particularly the Banyamulenge, in eastern DR Congo, burning villages, massacring civilians, and displacing countless others, while only a few managed to flee into their controlled territories.
Balinda noted that these developments compelled the rebel movement to take a “serious and necessary decision,” leading to intense confrontations that culminated in the capture of European mercenaries, Burundian troops, elements of the Congolese armed forces, and various militias, along with a cache of heavy military weaponry, in Gicanga, North Kivu, in January. “They [Burundian soldiers] are now entrenched in Uvira with about six to seven battalions, continuously recruiting and occupying the Minembwe highlands, where they have surrounded civilians and imposed a siege on the Banyamulenge, whom they target simply for being Tutsi,” he said. “The population has been cut off from markets, food, and medicine, and is being starved into submission.”
Political Complicity and International Inaction
Other accounts point to political complicity. In September, Burundian troops and Wazalendo militias forced an officer, Brig Gen Olivier Gasita, who had been appointed by Kinshasa to take over operations command in Uvira, to flee because of his Tutsi identity. Gasita had been appointed by President Tshisekedi to command Uvira, replacing Brig Gen Daniel Mwaku Mbuluku, who reportedly died of a “sudden health crisis while on duty,” according to official accounts.
Alex Mvuka, a Congolese researcher on Great Lakes conflicts, said the international community has ignored the worsening crisis. “The Burundian army is using starvation as a weapon,” he said. “They occupy vast territories, block aid, and prevent movement. The area has become a concentration camp, over 3,000 people have been killed, not counting those dying from hunger and disease.” Mvuka added that Burundi’s involvement is driven by “ethnic hatred, geopolitical motives to curb the assumed Rwandan influence, and financial incentives from Kinshasa.”
Ongoing Conflict and Calls for Action
Amb Joseph Mutaboba, a political analyst closely monitoring the crisis, described the actions of Burundian and allied forces as war crimes. “Starving civilians by blocking access to food and water is a central tool of genocide,” he said. “These deliberate deprivations target the Banyamulenge with effects equal to mass killing.” Mutaboba noted reports of Burundian soldiers turning back Banyamulenge civilians heading to markets near Bijombo and Minembwe.
Reports indicate that in Minembwe, over 548 villages, 134 schools, 41 health centers, and 25 markets have been destroyed, while more than half a million cattle have been looted. “Minembwe looks like a concentration camp,” Mutaboba said. “Infrastructure has been erased, and civilians are trapped.”
Prospects for Peace and Regional Response
Commenting on prospects for peace, particularly the Doha process, Mutaboba said the initiative has largely stalled, diminishing hopes for de-escalation. He attributed this to the Congolese government’s lack of political will, which has made implementation difficult. “Without verifiable commitments and genuine inclusion, the peace process risks remaining symbolic rather than effective,” he said.
Mutaboba also criticized the international community’s muted response. “Economic interests seem to outweigh the urgency of civilian protection,” he said. “Humanitarian agencies have the capacity to help but hesitate to engage with the already marginalized Banyamulenge.” He urged for open humanitarian corridors, allow full access for UN agencies, investigate those responsible for abuses, and reaffirm equal protection for all communities.
Regionally, Mutaboba added, there must be a ceasefire in the Hauts-Plateaux, “a joint verification mission under the Luanda or Doha [peace] tracks, and command directives guaranteeing market and aid access. The world cannot stay silent while a population is starved to death.”
