Women’s political participation rises

The number of women joining elective politics for directly elected seats, which have been previously dominated by men, has increased at all levels. They argue that they can represent their constituencies more effectively than men can. David Wandeka talked to some female politicians in the Elgon Sub-region about their aspirations.

NRM’s Wanyenya is never giving up

Shafiga Wanyenya is the flag bearer of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party for the Bungokho North constituency in Mbale District. The 35-year-old is contesting against four men, including the incumbent, Dr John Faith Magolo, whom she defeated in the party primaries. In the last general election, five years ago, Wanyenya was the NRM flag bearer, but she lost to Dr Magolo, who contested as an independent candidate. “I chose to contest for the direct seat because I want to inspire women. I come from Wanale Sub-county, where the girl child has remained behind, unrecognised. Girls are not given priority when it comes to attending school,” she says.

The masters degree holder says this situation, coupled with her winning the party flag, has propelled her to show the world the capability of women to outshine men. “The seat has always been occupied by men, and my opponents used that to de-campaign me. They said I should have contested for the Woman Member of Parliament (MP) seat instead of daring men,” she explains. Wanyenya reveals that at the lower levels, there are more women contesting for seats as councilors, LCV chairperson, LCIII chairpersons. She believes this is going to change the status quo in Bungokho North and the entire Bugisu Sub-region.

“My husband is not from the constituency I am seeking election for, and that has become a campaign tool for the other contenders. However, the majority of voters in Bunghoko North constituency are women and youth. They appreciate the fact that I seek to represent them,” she explains. The politician says her husband has been encouraging and supportive, offering financial support, and understanding her busy schedule and desire to represent her people.

“Women who dare to stand for direct seats need a very strong man beside them because at times, situations are tagged to them. During the campaigns, you relate with different men, and some people will say that you are having relationships with them. If you do not have a supporting husband, such words will affect you,” she advises. Wanyenya calls on men to support female politicians, especially in the face of daily cyber abuse, instead of fighting them.

Margaret Wokuri Madanda, contesting as MP for Industrial City Division in Mbale City on Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) ticket. She is the FDC’s vice president for the Eastern Region. In the last election, she contested for Woman MP for Mbale City lost to Connie Galiwango Nakayenze. “The law does not restrict us to only the Woman MP seat, so I chose to run for direct representation. I was born in this division of the city, so it is easy for me to canvass for votes because I am conversant with the challenges the residents face,” she says.

Madanda shares that one of the reasons she chose the door-to-door strategy of canvassing for votes is to correct the impression that every woman who campaigns while wearing a gomesi is running for the Woman MP seat. “Women fear contesting for direct seats because of the high poverty levels among them, compared to men. Men have more money to spend on voters. However, I keep telling them that I do not have money and that they should vote for me as their daughter,” Madanda adds.

Her husband is a former lecturer of gender studies, and she says this is probably why he understands her political situation. He appreciated empowered women, yet he is aware that men fear them. He has always been supportive of her political journey. “Several female politicians have approached me with problems about their husbands not supporting them. I have been part of delegations that have gone into homes to intervene and counsel husbands.

I tell them that their wives will not run away from home, and neither will the marriage collapse just because the wife has joined active politics,” the politician intimates. Some of the issues she intends to tackle, once elected, are the long distances women have to walk to access healthcare, the scarcity of clean and safe water, and the high interest rates changed by money lenders whenever women in business want to borrow money.

Joyce Matuka Kidulu, the country director of Wise Choices for Life, the vice president of the Mothers’ Union of Mbale Diocese, and a marriage counsellor, is contesting against nine men for the Mbale City mayoral seat. In the last general elections, she contested for the mayoral seat of Industrial Division in Mbale City. However, she lost to the incumbent, Muhamudu Masaba. “I am not just competing against men; I am in the race to offer service delivery to the voters. I believe I can do that better than my opponents because I understand the needs of the people and I can be accountable to them,” she says.

Kidulu reveals that what inspired her most to join the race was the fact that at the time when Mbale Municipality was referred to as the cleanest town in East Africa, in the late 1960s to the 1980s, it was under the mayorship of Canon Janet Wensonga, and later, Noame Nora Aryada. “Women are the ones who gave Mbale regional recognition. When you give a woman responsibilities, she will be faithful and honest. These days, we have women in all professions, so why should I not be voted into office?” she asks. The politician says her biggest challenge is the cultural perception in the Bugisu Sub-region that women are not meant to be leaders.

“I am not contesting to become a cultural leader of Bugisu, and neither will I be performing cultural activities at the Mutoto Cultural Centre. I am seeking to become a leader in Mbale City. It is not about me being a woman. It is about me being able to deliver on my campaign promises,” she notes. Kidulu says that although her husband may not go out to campaign for her, he prays for her and offers her his full support, making sure that she is comfortable. Financing elections is a challenge to several female politicians, given that traditional and structural barriers continue to limit their earning power and property ownership.

This, coupled with the monetisation of Uganda’s politics, has made the process quite expensive for women. “There are so many expenses, such as mobilising, feeding, and transporting campaign agents. People’s expectations are high. They think that as a leader, you have a lot of money that can address their issues. I am not contesting because I am rich; I just want to transform the city,” she explains. She reveals that her priority – once she wins the election – will be to improve the revenue-collecting systems because Mbale City is collecting the least revenue when compared to other cities. “The city collects Shs3.9 billion, yet Jinja and Mbarara cities collect Shs7.5 billion and Shs9.5 billion, respectively,” she says.

On 18 December 1979, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly. It entered into force as an international treaty on 3 September 1981 after the twentieth country had ratified it. By the tenth anniversary of the Convention in 1989, almost one hundred nations have agreed to be bound by its provisions. The Convention was the culmination of more than thirty years of work by the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, a body established in 1946 to monitor the situation of women and to promote women’s rights.

The Commission’s work has been instrumental in bringing to light all the areas in which women are denied equality with men. These efforts for the advancement of women have resulted in several declarations and conventions, of which the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women is the central and most comprehensive document. Among the international human rights treaties, the Convention takes an important place in bringing the female half of humanity into the focus of human rights concerns. The spirit of the Convention is rooted in the goals of the United Nations: to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity,v and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women.

The present document spells out the meaning of equality and how it can be achieved. In so doing, the Convention establishes not only an international bill of rights for women, but also an agenda for action by countries to guarantee the enjoyment of those rights. In its preamble, the Convention explicitly acknowledges that “extensive discrimination against women continues to exist”, and emphasizes that such discrimination “violates the principles of equality of rights and respect for human dignity”. As defined in article 1, discrimination is understood as “any distinction, exclusion or restriction made o.1 the basis of sex…in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field”.

The Convention gives positive affirmation to the principle of equality by requiring States parties to take “all appropriate measures, including legislation, to ensure the full development and advancement of women, for the purpose of guaranteeing them the exercise and enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms on a basis of equality with men”(article 3). The agenda for equality is specified in fourteen subsequent articles. In its approach, the Convention covers three dimensions of the situation of women. Civil rights and the legal status of women are dealt with in great detail. In addition, and unlike other human rights treaties, the Convention is also concerned with the dimension of human reproduction as well as with the impact of cultural factors on gender relations.

The legal status of women receives the broadest attention. Concern over the basic rights of political participation has not diminished since the adoption of the Convention on the Political Rights of Women in 1952. Its provisions, therefore, are restated in article 7 of the present document, whereby women are guaranteed the rights to vote, to hold public office and to exercise public functions. This includes equal rights for women to represent their countries at the international level (article 8). The Convention on the Nationality of Married Women – adopted in 1957 – is integrated under article 9 providing for the statehood of women, irrespective of their marital status.

The Convention, thereby, draws attention to the fact that often women’s legal status has been linked to marriage, making them dependent on their husband’s nationality rather than individuals in their own right. Articles 10, 11 and 13, respectively, affirm women’s rights to non-discrimination in education, employment and economic and social activities. These demands are given special emphasis with regard to the situation of rural women, whose particular struggles and vital economic contributions, as noted in article 14, warrant more attention in policy planning.

Article 15 asserts the full equality of women in civil and business matters, demanding that all instruments directed at restricting women’s legal capacity ‘’shall be deemed null and void”. Finally, in article 16, the Convention returns to the issue of marriage and family relations, asserting the equal rights and obligations of women and men with regard to choice of spouse, parenthood, personal rights and command over property. Aside from civil rights issues, the Convention also devotes major attention to a most vital concern of women, namely their reproductive rights. The preamble sets the tone by stating that «the role of women in procreation should not be a basis for discrimination».