Pakistan, Sept. 9 — Do we need new provinces? The emerging answer appears to be yes; we do. However, this affirmative answer comes with a string attached: strictly abiding by the Constitution of Pakistan, empowering local bodies, and respecting the people’s decision to choose their political leadership. The call for new provinces also demands transparency from those who are at the helm of affairs. Mostly, the pronoun “they” is conveniently used to refer indirectly to this powerful pivot. Instead of this pronoun, sometimes we also hear the words “establishment” and “bureaucracy.” If we run a sentiment analysis on the available corpus, we realize that these words are often associated with negative connotations or hurdles to good governance.
We do not yet know the outcome of these growing aspirations for new provinces. But the question we originally raised at the onset of this article has exposed political dynasties in Pakistan that are not ready to give up their hegemonic control. With a fear of losing their power, which can make anyone greedy and self-centred, these dynasties are vehemently opposing the idea of new provinces. They are doing their best to protect their individual interests over the wishes of the people or the national interest. The people of Pakistan simply want good governance: a country where there is rule of law, freedom of speech, and access to quality education, health care, and employment, which remains difficult to achieve under the present system of governance.
Pakistan turned out to be a colonial state within a postcolonial discourse. Independence on 14 August 1947 ended British sovereignty but, unfortunately, did not decolonize the mindset of the ruling class. Indeed, Pakistan is constitutionally a democratic republic, yet many of its policy routines still imagine citizens as governed populations, localities as administrative units, and dissent as a problem of discipline that needs to be controlled or punished rather than an invitation to rethink the governance model.
Our desperate need for new provinces is not because Pakistan lacks policy reforms. Since 1947, successive governments have produced commissions, constitutional amendments, decentralization plans, police reforms, civil service reforms, fiscal adjustments, development programs, poverty-reduction strategies, and rights-based legislation, including the devolution of power to the provinces after the 18th Amendment. However, these reforms have reproduced and eventually reinforced the grammar of command and control instead of offering a model of good governance. Through only renaming, for example, from the colonial district officer to the postcolonial deputy commissioner, from the police station to the development authority, and from the census form to the planning document, public policy has made our society linguistically vivid but democratically eclipsed.
We have deliberately avoided the phrase ‘administrative units’ because it carries the imprint of a centralized colonial administrative mindset. We, therefore, prefer the phrase ‘new provinces,’ for a recognition of political representation and provincial autonomy. Now, the question should not be whether we need new provinces because people desperately want them in the hope of better access to education, health, justice, and employment. The real questions, nevertheless, are: how should we demarcate new provinces, and what should their names be?
As far as the answer to the first question is concerned, we have already published an article in this newspaper titled “The Linguistic Demarcation of Provinces.” There is not just one factor, such as language or culture, that should be solely considered while demarcating the boundaries of a new province. We propose considering multiple factors, such as geographical contiguity, financial viability, administrative feasibility, and development potential, along with linguistic and cultural considerations.
What should be the names of these provinces? There are two convenient paths. One way could be to use directional names, for example, Central Punjab, Northern Punjab, and Southern Punjab. Another option is to draw on regional and linguistic identities in naming the new provinces, e.g., Punjab, Potohar, and Saraiki. It is, however, completely optional whether a popular suffix “istan” needs to be collocated with the root word Saraiki to name a province Saraikistan. Indeed, there is no mention of identity in the first naming option; however, the second one could be more sentimental and may lead to controversies. Even a small speech community could claim a new province, and this option may generate new issues. Or a group of individuals speaking Saraiki may stand up saying that they have been divided from their family members who live next door but are in a new province. One way forward, therefore, is to reach out to people and ask what they want. A majority decision must be welcomed.
We expect the same spirit from the ruling political parties: to welcome the people’s wishes over their idiosyncratic aspirations and vested interests. Meanwhile, higher education institutions should organize seminars to recommend governing models for these new provinces. We appreciate the commendable effort of the University of Management and Technology in organizing such a meaningful dialogue recently. A more concrete action plan is needed to structure the model of governance once those who are at the helm of affairs are ready to create new provinces in Pakistan. If there is a sincere will, there is always a way to achieve this goal.
The debate on new provinces should therefore move beyond political slogans and questions of territorial division. Creating new provinces will mean little if the old grammar of command and control is simply reproduced within new boundaries. The real promise of new provinces lies in bringing power closer to the people, strengthening local democracy, and improving access to education, health, justice, and employment. Their boundaries and names must emerge from transparent consultation rather than political convenience or elite interests. Pakistan does not just need more provinces on its map. It needs a model of governance in which people are heard, represented, and empowered. Only then can the creation of new provinces become a step towards democratic decolonization of Pakistan.
The first author is a Professor of English at Riphah International University, Lahore. He is a lead guest editor at Emerald and Springer publishing.
The second author is an Assistant Professor of English at Govt. Graduate College for Women, Samanabad, Lahore
